HOTSPOT
Tonyo Cruz
One of the things that people liked about Rodrigo Roa Duterte in 2016 was that he promised “genuine change.” He went on to say that he will be the country’s “first socialist president.” His most ardent supporters even said he will head a “revolutionary government.”
Now that it is already 2019, any citizen should be able to tell whether President Duterte has delivered his promises of reform. Yes, any citizen should be able to freely assess the President’s performance — regardless of who we voted for in 2016, and whether we voted at all. There can’t be a political test for sizing up a president, hurling criticisms, and offering feedback.
As we start the new year, what most independent-minded citizens could agree on is that President Duterte has not brought any radical or fundamental change in politics, economics, foreign affairs, military affairs, and other fields of national life.
The most partisan of the President’s supporters can only manage to draw up Marcosian lists of “achievements” especially infrastructure — but we have to remind them that they are all paid for by public funds or by Chinese loans that we and future generations would have to pay at exorbitant interest. Not to mention, the corruption that surround many of these infrastructure contracts that went to contractors or the in-laws of the budget secretary, for instance.
Did Duterte create a powerful mass movement to fight the big landlords and big compadors that strangle our economy and politics? Not really. In fact, from the exit polls of May, 2016, up until today, Class AB continue to support Duterte because of his neoliberal and pro-oligarchy policies. They are also grateful to Duterte for the lower personal income tax rates which he sneaked into the tax reform demanded by the middle classes. They are thankful that the acolytes of the oligarchy like Pernia, Dominguez, and Diokno are in Duterte’s inner sanctum.
Did Duterte create a new political movement of citizens and new leaders? Not really. He and his daughter proudly welcomed turncoats from all parties, including the worst ones. From a grand total of two PDP-Laban congressmen that won with him in May, 2016, the House is now a juggernaut of pro-Duterte lawmakers coming from political dynasties and traditional politicians. Fundamental change? Or fundamentally the same as before?
Did Duterte deliver on his promise to rid the government of corruption? Now this is highly doubtful. The Duterte administration is proud to be associated with the Marcoses and Arroyo. Add to them the worst traditional politicians and political dynasties, and it could only mean that the basic contours of the political system remains. The only difference now is that Duterte continues to claim to be a reformer, even as he embraces known plunderers.
Did Duterte accomplish the three-to-six months deadline for his anti-drug campaign? Obviously not. Even PDEA has admitted that the anti-drug war even resulted in higher supply and lower prices of shabu, maybe because the war only targeted suspected or petty users and runners, and perhaps the rival drug lords of those close to the administration.
The most diehard supporters of the President have conveniently forgotten many terms and phrases they bandied about in 2015 and 2016, either to deceive themselves or to cover up Duterte’s shortcomings.
Today, no DDS influencer speaks about “fighting the oligarchy.” Why, because many DDS influencers have since worked for or received favors from oligarchs.
The perpetual martial law in Mindanao cements and does not cure the island’s bad reputation as an area known for plunder and lawlessness. Acts of terror continue to happen despite the imposition of martial law. If martial law cannot stop the bombings, what would Duterte ask for next?
There are many ways to measure up Duterte and his claims of being pro-change and pro-reform. Changemakers and reformers have such yardsticks that we could use to size up Duterte, apart from whether he delivered his bold promises.
Also: What kind of leader is scared of a free press and an independent judiciary? Under whatever pretext, attacking the press and beheading the highest court aren’t signs of strength. They’re signs of weakness, insecurity, corruption, and hunger for power.
It is already 2019. I don’t think Duterte, PDP-Laban, Hugpong, and the cabal of DDS influencers could still speak for the 16M who cast their lot for the President. I honestly think there’s a serious case of misrepresentation going on. The paid trolls also cannot represent anyone else other than themselves and those who pay them. We must not fall into the trap of creating more enemies than friends, and in this case widen the target of our movement against tyranny.
It is really tempting to make stupidity and blasphemy the central issues against Duterte. He asks for it, because they act like lightning rods that draw people’s attention away from this fact known to the housewife, the endo worker, the Marawi evacuee, the Lumad student, the OFW, the landless farmer, the commuter, the activist, the dilawan, the komonesta, and even the DDS: Nearly three years into his presidency, Duterte is fundamentally no better and no different from the others before him. Not socialist. Not revolutionary.
Tonyo Cruz
One of the things that people liked about Rodrigo Roa Duterte in 2016 was that he promised “genuine change.” He went on to say that he will be the country’s “first socialist president.” His most ardent supporters even said he will head a “revolutionary government.”
Now that it is already 2019, any citizen should be able to tell whether President Duterte has delivered his promises of reform. Yes, any citizen should be able to freely assess the President’s performance — regardless of who we voted for in 2016, and whether we voted at all. There can’t be a political test for sizing up a president, hurling criticisms, and offering feedback.
As we start the new year, what most independent-minded citizens could agree on is that President Duterte has not brought any radical or fundamental change in politics, economics, foreign affairs, military affairs, and other fields of national life.
The most partisan of the President’s supporters can only manage to draw up Marcosian lists of “achievements” especially infrastructure — but we have to remind them that they are all paid for by public funds or by Chinese loans that we and future generations would have to pay at exorbitant interest. Not to mention, the corruption that surround many of these infrastructure contracts that went to contractors or the in-laws of the budget secretary, for instance.
Did Duterte create a powerful mass movement to fight the big landlords and big compadors that strangle our economy and politics? Not really. In fact, from the exit polls of May, 2016, up until today, Class AB continue to support Duterte because of his neoliberal and pro-oligarchy policies. They are also grateful to Duterte for the lower personal income tax rates which he sneaked into the tax reform demanded by the middle classes. They are thankful that the acolytes of the oligarchy like Pernia, Dominguez, and Diokno are in Duterte’s inner sanctum.
Did Duterte create a new political movement of citizens and new leaders? Not really. He and his daughter proudly welcomed turncoats from all parties, including the worst ones. From a grand total of two PDP-Laban congressmen that won with him in May, 2016, the House is now a juggernaut of pro-Duterte lawmakers coming from political dynasties and traditional politicians. Fundamental change? Or fundamentally the same as before?
Did Duterte deliver on his promise to rid the government of corruption? Now this is highly doubtful. The Duterte administration is proud to be associated with the Marcoses and Arroyo. Add to them the worst traditional politicians and political dynasties, and it could only mean that the basic contours of the political system remains. The only difference now is that Duterte continues to claim to be a reformer, even as he embraces known plunderers.
Did Duterte accomplish the three-to-six months deadline for his anti-drug campaign? Obviously not. Even PDEA has admitted that the anti-drug war even resulted in higher supply and lower prices of shabu, maybe because the war only targeted suspected or petty users and runners, and perhaps the rival drug lords of those close to the administration.
The most diehard supporters of the President have conveniently forgotten many terms and phrases they bandied about in 2015 and 2016, either to deceive themselves or to cover up Duterte’s shortcomings.
Today, no DDS influencer speaks about “fighting the oligarchy.” Why, because many DDS influencers have since worked for or received favors from oligarchs.
The perpetual martial law in Mindanao cements and does not cure the island’s bad reputation as an area known for plunder and lawlessness. Acts of terror continue to happen despite the imposition of martial law. If martial law cannot stop the bombings, what would Duterte ask for next?
There are many ways to measure up Duterte and his claims of being pro-change and pro-reform. Changemakers and reformers have such yardsticks that we could use to size up Duterte, apart from whether he delivered his bold promises.
Also: What kind of leader is scared of a free press and an independent judiciary? Under whatever pretext, attacking the press and beheading the highest court aren’t signs of strength. They’re signs of weakness, insecurity, corruption, and hunger for power.
It is already 2019. I don’t think Duterte, PDP-Laban, Hugpong, and the cabal of DDS influencers could still speak for the 16M who cast their lot for the President. I honestly think there’s a serious case of misrepresentation going on. The paid trolls also cannot represent anyone else other than themselves and those who pay them. We must not fall into the trap of creating more enemies than friends, and in this case widen the target of our movement against tyranny.
It is really tempting to make stupidity and blasphemy the central issues against Duterte. He asks for it, because they act like lightning rods that draw people’s attention away from this fact known to the housewife, the endo worker, the Marawi evacuee, the Lumad student, the OFW, the landless farmer, the commuter, the activist, the dilawan, the komonesta, and even the DDS: Nearly three years into his presidency, Duterte is fundamentally no better and no different from the others before him. Not socialist. Not revolutionary.