The run-up towards the 2028 elections has sparked excitement on the emergence of new leaders from the ranks of the opposition.

Speaking at a pre-SONA forum sponsored by Akbayan Partylist, ML Partylist Rep. Leila de Lima called for a Third Space pro-people alternative anchored on democratic principles.

She observed that: “...the real state of our nation reveals itself not in statistics, but in silences. Sa mga taong ayaw pag-usapan ng gobyerno. Sa mga katotohanang minamaliit, at sa mga pag-aabuso ng pinipiling balewalain (In people that government does not want to speak about. In realities that are being shunted into the sidelines, and abuses that are not being acted upon).”

Evidently, she and her colleagues in the opposition are assessing the evolving political landscape. Both Marcos and Duterte camps are engaged in tit-for-tat revolving around the detention at The Hague of former President Rodrigo Duterte and the impeachment complaint against the Vice President. Favored by a Supreme Court decision that declared her impeachment as unconstitutional, Sara Duterte obtained a reprieve that allows her to vigorously rally support behind her father.

Smarting from the anemic showing of his ticket in the May 2025 midterm elections, President Marcos emerged from his SONA with both barrels blazing. He declared war against corruption, then warned that he will veto the 2026 budget to be passed by Congress if this is not aligned with his administration’s National Expenditure Program (NEP).

This is a wounded warrior’s stance — combative and assertive, the polar opposite of the lame duck profile normally ascribed to single-term Presidents. Evidently, President Marcos wants to defy precedents.

But history is on the side of the opposition.

Among all post-EDSA Chief Executives, only President Cory Aquino was succeeded by her favored candidate, Fidel Ramos, who in turn was unable to propel his bet, then Speaker Jose de Venecia to the presidency. Erap Estrada was ousted in a People Power uprising that was triggered by a failed Senate impeachment trial. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s preferred bet, Gilbert Teodoro, Jr. placed fourth in the election won by Benigno S. Aquino III. Aquino’s partymate Mar Roxas was defeated by Rodrigo Duterte.

While President Marcos appears determined not to simply ride into the sunset, Rep. de Lima and her fellow oppositionists are flexing their muscles. Recall that after the 2025 elections, Senator Risa Hontiveros declared that they would soon chart their moves leading up to the 2028 national elections.

In an increasingly polarized political landscape, a Third Space for the Philippine opposition may be taking shape—an alternative that is neither beholden to the entrenched administration machinery nor purely reactive, but one rooted in authentic reformist governance, inclusive leadership, and principled continuity. As we look ahead to the 2028 presidential elections, key figures from the democratic opposition—Vice President Leni Robredo, Senators Kiko Pangilinan, Risa Hontiveros, Bam Aquino, and human rights defenders, Rep. Leila de Lima and Rep. Chel Diokno—may yet reconfigure the national narrative.

Their political ascendancy depends on three crucial variables: a coherent unifying platform, a strengthened grassroots machinery, and a reenergized base of young, first-time, and issue-oriented voters. The 2022 elections, while a setback for the opposition, demonstrated enduring reservoirs of volunteerism and civic engagement. In the 2025 elections, two opposition senators unexpectedly landed in the first five, while Akbayan topped the crowded partylist race.

If that energy can be sustained, redirected, and scaled, the 2028 election could serve as a tipping point for the return of values-driven governance.

The key lies in telling a new story—one that moves beyond mere anti-authoritarianism. A Third Space candidacy in 2028 must project both vision and viability. Robredo remains the movement’s moral compass, but it may be a fresh standard-bearer—perhaps Kiko Pangilinan, or Bam Aquino, or Risa Hontiveros—who carries the torch in the next race, appealing to a broader cross-section of voters while inheriting the trust built by Robredo’s People’s Campaign.

If De Lima is fully vindicated and reenters public life, her symbolic weight could further galvanize constituencies. Diokno, meanwhile, offers gravitas and clarity on rule-of-law and justice reforms that many voters now recognize as critical.

To win in 2028, the opposition must also address economic anxieties more directly. Governance must be paired with growth—especially in agriculture, digital jobs, education, and small enterprise. Pangilinan’s focus on food security and Aquino’s work on youth and innovation position them well in this regard. But platforms must be more than policy points; they must resonate with real people’s lives.

Assuming the opposition retakes power in 2028, staying in power through 2034 and 2040 would require two things: institutional durability and leadership renewal. The reforms pursued must be felt by ordinary citizens within the first three years, especially in service delivery, corruption control, and inclusive economic development. Successor grooming must also be deliberate. A new generation of leaders must be empowered and trusted to continue the cause—avoiding the trap of personality-centered politics.

This is where Mayor Vico Sotto enters the post-2028 scenario. Though he currently disavows national ambitions, his integrity, transparency, and performance-oriented style have made him a rare figure in public imagination. Should he be persuaded to step onto the national stage — perhaps as a reformist presidential or vice presidential candidate in 2034 — his candidacy could mark a generational pivot that redefines Philippine politics.

Ultimately, the viability of Third Space rests not only on individuals, but on the public’s appetite for a government that listens, delivers, and unites. In this space, the opposition must not just win elections, but win back hope.

Comments may be sent to [email protected]