Same old bananas?


OF SUBSTANCE AND SPIRIT

Managing public governance deficit

Two days ago, Oct. 1, poll aspirants started to flock to various filing centers of the Commission on Elections (Comelec) to file their certificates of candidacy (COC) for 18,280 elective positions for the May 2025 national and local elections. Filipinos will be choosing 12 senators, 254 members of the House of Representatives, 63 party-list representatives, 82 governors, 149 city mayors and 1,493 municipal mayors, among others.

Public money from taxes and other forms of revenues will pay their salaries and allowances as well as those of their assistants and staff. Our people are therefore entitled to dream that these elected officials would use their mind to bring about new ways of governance, and they are legions in the annals of public management and political science. 

Will we ever see elections like what we do every three years adhere to democracy and better choices?

Our poll aspirants promise positive change with the moons and the stars, complete with catchy slogans and jingles. But alas, after three years for most, and six years for senators, they would prove that they are no different, they are the same old bananas! Rehashed, recycled, rebranded.

For the normal pathway to electoral victory is popularity. One wins because his name rings a bell, thanks to showbiz of entertainment and comedy. But political governance is beyond cracking green jokes and mastering street fights. And no, voters scarcely distinguish between real world challenges and staged heroism. They trust false news and cold cash on E day can certainly make up for the difference. 

Once elected, our filmdom legend could not even speak, or sponsor a bill on the legislative floor, or formulate coherent positions on key issues of the day. It is asking for a miracle if their kind could figure out how the hearings on Alice Guo and POGO operations could aid legislation, or the revelation on the role of PNP in extrajudicial killings could lead to urgent cleansing of the police rank. If true, it is mind-boggling how heads of public agencies could be eliminated like premeditating rat extermination.

Comelec’s posters claim that the May 2025 elections represent “makabagong halalan.” BAGO stands for better, automation, governance and opportunities.

Will this be any different from elections past?

It is interesting that mature democracies like Switzerland could still convene a conference to reinvent democratic elections. The Bern Conference was organized May 9-10 last year through the Parliamentary Assembly and the Swiss Government in celebration of the Swiss accession to the Council of Europe in order to “ensure democratic elections even in difficult times caused by multiple crises.” In attendance were over 130 politicians from Europe and representatives of Europe’s institutional partners and electoral management bodies, international organizations, academia and civil society. 

The President of the Swiss National Council, Mr. Martin Candinas, could not have said it any clearer when he declared that “No election alone is a guarantee for a functioning democracy. But a democracy has no legitimacy without elections. Free and fair elections are indispensable means for citizens to express their opinion and to be able to make decisions.” 

Very true for the Philippines.

While innovations, especially technological in the way Comelec commits that the May 2025 elections would be better and automated, promise new and more representative form of voting, the question raised in Switzerland is whether such promises could be delivered in the long run. The recent May 2022 automated election, the result of which is being challenged in the Supreme Court due to election anomaly, did not seem to deliver new and innovative political leadership in various levels of governance. The Filipino electorate, enlightened or not, would have the opportunity to change government composition partly only in 2025, and partly only in 2028. 

No different from the cheap gimmicks of the incumbents here, the Bern Conference also highlighted the temptation for the executive powers to “misuse the state of emergency for political gains as well as the important role of media which needs to remain balanced even in such situations, where incumbents are naturally getting more coverage.”

We are quite skeptical about this statement from the Bern Conference that indeed elections conducted in a true spirit of democracy could deflect tension, sort out conflicts and invest governments with legitimacy to govern. We need to define what the true spirit of democracy is in the context of Philippine reality. Instead of deflecting tension, Philippine elections have become famous for producing tension and even open confrontation. Instead of sorting out conflicts, Philippine elections actually complicate conflicts and increase their likelihood of happening. Instead of investing the government with legitimacy, thanks to electoral fraud and cheating, Philippine elections undermine winning candidates’ claim to victory and the right to lead. 

The Bern Conference also observed the increased use and dependence on ICTs, technology if we will, and the risks of manipulation of election results. AI and cyber technology are neutral; they can be used either to protect the integrity of the election or to thwart public will. 

Based on this, the Conference stressed the need to find new ways to establish transparency of data sources and algorithms; help people recognize when they are exposed to AI-generated content; preserve ultimate human control in essential decision making; and ensure compliance of AI-driven systems with best practices in electoral norms. We are not surprised that the Conference recommended that governments intensify the fights against disinformation and propaganda, strengthen cybersecurity and protection of critical electoral infrastructure. Disinformation and propaganda are the enemies of democracy.

Finally, the Conference raised the issue of public-private partnership in service provision. Private sector participants should be held accountable for upholding security standards, that their source codes should be secured and always available for public scrutiny and auditing. It doesn’t have to require, as in the Philippines, Supreme Court ruling to release simple transmission logs during the automated May 2022 presidential elections.

To further lock in the integrity of future elections in the Philippines, we may also wish to consider the recommendation to undertake comprehensive risk assessment to ensure our processes are sufficiently robust while guaranteeing adherence to principles of democratic elections. The Philippine Government can invite international organizations with formal observation mandate to help implement electoral standards and protect the integrity of future elections. 

Why, that could help prevent those same old bananas from wreaking havoc to our politics and the economy.